Like many Israelis, Bronx-born Eli Knoller, who has dual citizenship and lives in an Israeli settlement in the West Bank, hopes the next American president allows Israel to “finish the job” against Hamas in Gaza, where his son was killed in battle.
Abduljabbar Alqam, a Palestinian American who lives just a few miles away, is horrified by what he calls U.S. complicity in the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza.
But they have at least one thing in common: Neither planned to vote for Vice President Kamala Harris. Mr. Alqam believes the Biden administration has been too supportive of Israel and the war in Gaza; Mr. Knoller believes it has not been supportive enough.
In the Israeli-occupied West Bank, tens of thousands of U.S. citizens live on opposing sides of one of the world’s most entrenched conflicts, and many are bitterly disappointed with the Biden administration’s approach to Israel’s war in Gaza, triggered by the deadly Hamas-led attack on Israel last October.
Opinion polls show that Israelis largely support former President Donald J. Trump, fondly recalling his near-unreserved support for a country now facing increasing international isolation, while many Palestinians are frustrated with President Biden’s backing for Israel and see little difference between the two candidates. Their frustrations reflect the wider discontent over the war in Gaza across the American political spectrum.
“The Democrats need to lose, and they need to know that one of the biggest reasons they lost is their stance on Israel,” said Mr. Alqam, 37, who planned to vote for the Green Party candidate, Jill Stein. “It’s about making a statement.”
The war in Gaza has confounded the final year of Mr. Biden’s presidency, creating a rift inside his party and exposing American weakness in the Middle East. His envoys have shuttled around the region for months trying in vain to clinch a cease-fire deal.
How his successor will affect the conflict is far from clear. Mr. Trump took staunch pro-Israel stances during his term, including a proposed peace plan that strongly favored Israeli demands over Palestinian ones. But he has also called on Israel to wind down the war.
Ms. Harris has mostly stuck to President Biden’s views: backing Israel’s right to self-defense while pressing for a deal to end the war and release the hostages held in Gaza. She has taken a stronger tone on Palestinian suffering, but has not signaled a markedly different approach if elected.
Estimates vary widely, but at least 150,000 Americans live in Israel, which has a population of roughly 10 million, according to the U.S. government. Roughly 60,000 live in Israeli settlements in the West Bank — which much of the international community deems illegal — making them roughly 15 percent of the settler population, according to Sara Yael Hirschhorn, a lecturer at Haifa University.
Thousands of Palestinian Americans also live in the West Bank, though there are no official statistics.
Generations of Palestinians have ferried back and forth between the United States, where they are equal citizens under the law, and the West Bank, where they are subject to Israel’s two-tiered system. Israeli law gives settlers all the rights of their neighbors in Israel proper, while Palestinians in the West Bank — U.S. citizens or not — live under Israeli military occupation, with far fewer rights.
Kory Bardash, the co-chairman of Republicans Overseas Israel, lives in Efrat, a settlement with many Americans, where he coached Little League baseball. Over the past year, the United States has projected impotence rather than decisiveness in the Middle East, which is bad for Israel, he said.
“Under the current administration, the players in this neighborhood sense weakness,” said Mr. Bardash, who canvassed for Mr. Trump.
A handful of settlers, pointing to Mr. Trump’s often unpredictable political zigzags, still support Ms. Harris, including Herzl Hefter, an American-born Orthodox rabbi who lives in Efrat. He said at least some of his neighbors shared his misgivings over what he called Mr. Trump’s “moral rot” but had nonetheless decided to “hold their nose and vote for Trump.”
“But it doesn’t mean that in this policy or that policy, maybe Trump would be better,” said Mr. Hefter, 67. “It’s really impossible to know, because he’s totally unreliable and crazy.”
A few miles north of Jerusalem, thousands of Palestinian Americans live in towns where many split their time between the Middle East and the United States. In Turmus Aya, a quiet, relatively prosperous village close to Ramallah, Americans make up a large part of the population, particularly in the summer, when expatriates pack into the town, towing their children for monthslong visits.
Mr. Alqam, who was born in New Jersey, spent several childhood years living in Turmus Aya. In 2023, he and his wife moved back from Louisiana so his three children would connect with their roots and learn Arabic — although many children in Turmus Aya prefer to chatter together in English.
Returning from abroad brought Mr. Alqam again face-to-face with the maze of Israeli restrictions on Palestinians across the West Bank, which Israel says are necessary to prevent further militant attacks. He sought to reassure his children that their U.S. passports might protect them regardless.
“In America, we would have equal rights. But in this country, they have superiority, more rights, more protection, more safety,” said Mr. Alqam, referring to Jewish Israelis.
Two weeks after their arrival, Jewish extremists stormed into their hometown, torching homes in retaliation for a Palestinian attack earlier that day that had killed four Israelis. One of the town’s residents was fatally shot during the clashes.
Mr. Alqam conceded that Israeli hard-liners might be further emboldened if Mr. Trump was elected, potentially moving to annex the West Bank. But he said the situation was rapidly getting worse either way — making it important to first change attitudes in the United States.
“I’m willing to take four years of a little bit more suffering in order to hopefully change something bigger,” Mr. Alqam said, referring to a potential Trump victory.
Some Palestinians do support Ms. Harris, while acknowledging frustration with her on Gaza. Hakeem Asheh, a Palestinian American living in the West Bank city of Nablus, said he was willing to “give Harris a chance.”
“The Democratic Party is changing its views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. There’s a new vision,” said Mr. Asheh, who worked as a drugstore manager in Connecticut before returning to Nablus a decade ago. “I doubt Harris will implement it — but over time, that might change.”
But it is unclear how much either candidate would influence Israel, where many view the ongoing wars as existential conflicts.
Mr. Knoller, 60, moved to Karnei Shomron, a settlement in the northern West Bank which, like Efrat, was built up in part by American immigrants. In July, his son Nadav, 30, was killed while on a third tour of reserve duty in Gaza, leaving behind a wife and 18-month-old son.
For Mr. Knoller, the decision to vote for Mr. Trump was simple.
If Ms. Harris is elected, the United States will probably “pressure Israel to possibly reach a cease-fire and release thousands of Hamas terrorists” in exchange for Israeli hostages held in Gaza, he said. “That’s something I can’t support.”
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